The Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 1902 (Main Points)


Article 1. The High Contracting parties, having mutually recognized the independence of China and Korea, declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by aggressive tendencies in either country. having in view, however, their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate principally to China, whilst Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree, politically as well as commercially and industrially in Korea, the High Contracting parties recognize that it will be admissable for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating the intervention of either of the High Contracting parties for the protection of the lives and properties of its subjects.

Article 2. Declaration of neutrality if either signatory becomes involved in war through Article 1.


Article 3. Promise of support if either signatory becomes involved in war with more than one Power.


Article 4. Signatories promise not to enter into separate agreements with other Powers to the prejudice of this alliance.


Article 5. The signatories promise to communicate frankly and fully with each other when any of the interests affected by this treaty are in jeopardy.


Article 6. Treaty to remain in force for five years and then at one years’ notice, unless notice was given at the end of the fourth year.


The Renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 1905 (Main Points)


The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of replacing the Agreement concluded between them on the 30th of January 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the following Articles, which have for their object:

The consolidation and maintenance of general peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and India;

The preservation of the common interests of all Powers in China by insuring the independence and integrity of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations in China;

The maintenance of the territorial rights of the High Contracting Parties [viz., Britain and Japan] in the regions of Eastern Asia and of India, and the defence of their special interests in the said regions:

Article I

It is agreed that whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, any of the rights and interests referred to in the preamble of this Agreement [i.e., items a, b, c above] are in jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly, and consider in common the measures whhich should be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.


Article II

If, by reason of an unprovoked attack or aggressive action, whenever arising, on the part of any other Power or Powers, either Contracting Party should be involved in war in defence of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in the preamble of this Agreement, the other Contracting Party will at once come to the assistance of its ally, and will conduct war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.


Article III

Japan possessing paramount political, military and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of Japan to take such measures of guidance, control and protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.


Article IV

Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian possessions.


Article V 

The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another Power to the prejudice of the objects described in the preamble of this Agreement.


Article VI

As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless some other Power or Powers should join in hostilities against Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance of Japan and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with Japan.


Article VII

The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded by either Power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in the present Agreement and the means by which such assistance is to be made available, will be arranged by the military and naval authorities of the Contracting Parties who will from time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all questions of mutual interest.


Article VIII

The present Agreement shall, subject to the provisions of Article VI, come into effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain in force for ten years from that date


The first Anglo-Japanese Alliance was signed in London at what is now the Lansdowne Club, on January 30, 1902, by Lord Lansdowne (British foreign secretary) and Hayashi Tadasu (Japanese minister in London). A diplomatic milestone for its ending of Britain’s splendid isolation, the alliance was renewed and extended in scope twice, in 1905 and 1911, before its demise in 1921. It officially terminated in 1923.


Source: Professor Joseph V. O’Brien


The Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum to Serbia

Vienna, July 22, 1914

Your Excellency will present the following note to the Royal Government on the afternoon of Thursday, July 23: On the 31st of March, 1909, the Royal Serbian Minister at the Court of Vienna made, in the name of his Government, the following declaration to the Imperial and Royal Government:

Serbia recognizes that her rights were not affected by the state of affairs created in Bosnia, and states that she will accordingly accommodate herself to the decisions to be reached by the Powers in connection with Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin. Serbia, in accepting the advice of the Great Powers, binds herself to desist from the attitude of protest and opposition which she has assumed with regard to the annexation since October last, and she furthermore binds herself to alter the tendency of her present policy toward Austria-Hungary, and to live on the footing of friendly and neighborly relations with the latter in the future.

Now the history of the past few years, and particularly the painful events of the 28th of June, have proved the existence of a subversive movement in Serbia, whose object it is to separate certain portions of its territory from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This movement, which came into being under the very eyes of the Serbian Government, subsequently found expression outside of the territory of the Kingdom in acts of terrorism, in a number of attempts at assassination, and in murders.

Far from fulfilling the formal obligations contained in its declaration of the 31st of March, 1909, the Royal Serbian Government has done nothing to suppress this movement. It has tolerated the criminal activities of the various unions and associations directed against the Monarchy, the unchecked utterances of the press, the glorification of the authors of assassinations, the participation of officers and officials in subversive intrigues; it has tolerated an unhealthy propaganda in its public instruction; and it has tolerated, finally, every manifestation which could betray the people of Serbia into hatred of the Monarchy and contempt for its institutions.

This toleration of which the Royal Serbian Government was guilty, was still in evidence at that moment when the events of the twenty-eighth of June exhibited to the whole world the dreadful consequences of such tolerance.

It is clear from the statements and confessions of the criminal authors of the assassination of the twenty-eighth of June, that the murder at Sarajevo was conceived at Belgrade, that the murderers received the weapons and the bombs with which they were equipped from Serbian officers and officials who belonged to the Narodna Odbrana, and, finally, that the dispatch of the criminals and of their weapons to Bosnia was arranged and effected under the conduct of Serbian frontier authorities.

The results brought out by the inquiry no longer permit the Imperial and Royal Government to maintain the attitude of patient tolerance which it has observed for years toward those agitations which center at Belgrade and are spread thence into the territories of the Monarchy. Instead, these results impose upon the Imperial and Royal Government the obligation to put an end to those intrigues, which constitute a standing menace to the peace of the Monarchy.

In order to attain this end, the Imperial and Royal Government finds itself compelled to demand that the Serbian Government give official assurance that it will condemn the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, the whole body of the efforts whose ultimate object it is to separate from the Monarchy territories that belong to it; and that it will obligate itself to suppress with all the means at its command this criminal and terroristic propaganda. In order to give these assurances a character of solemnity, the Royal Serbian Government will publish on the first page of its official organ of July 26/13, the following declaration:

“The Royal Serbian Government condemns the propaganda directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, the whole body of the efforts whose ultimate object it is to separate from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy territories that belong to it, and it most sincerely regrets the dreadful consequences of these criminal transactions.

“The Royal Serbian Government regrets that Serbian officers and officials should have taken part in the above-mentioned propaganda and thus have endangered the friendly and neighborly relations,to the cultivation of which the Royal Government had most solemnly pledged itself by its declarations of March 31, 1909.

“The Royal Government, which disapproves and repels every idea and every attempt to interfere in the destinies of the population of whatever portion of Austria-Hungary, regards it as its duty most expressly to call attention of the officers, officials, and the whole population of the kingdom to the fact that for the future it will proceed with the utmost rigor against any persons who shall become guilty of any such activities, activities to prevent and to suppress which, the Government will bend every effort.”

This declaration shall be brought to the attention of the Royal army simultaneously by an order of the day from His Majesty the King, and by publication in the official organ of the army.

The Royal Serbian Government will furthermore pledge itself:

1. to suppress every publication which shall incite to hatred and contempt of the Monarchy, and the general tendency of which shall be directed against the territorial integrity of the latter;

2. to proceed at once to the dissolution of the Narodna Odbrana to confiscate all of its means of propaganda, and in the same manner to proceed against the other unions and associations in Serbia which occupy themselves with propaganda against Austria-Hungary; the Royal Government will take such measures as are necessary to make sure that the dissolved associations may not continue their activities under other names or in other forms;

3. to eliminate without delay from public instruction in Serbia, everything, whether connected with the teaching corps or with the methods of teaching, that serves or may serve to nourish the propaganda against Austria-Hungary;

4. to remove from the military and administrative service in general all officers and officials who have been guilty of carrying on the propaganda against Austria-Hungary, whose names the Imperial and Royal Government reserves the right to make known to the Royal Government when communicating the material evidence now in its possession;

5. to agree to the cooperation in Serbia of the organs of the Imperial and Royal Government in the suppression of the subversive movement directed against the integrity of the Monarchy;

6. to institute a judicial inquiry against every participant in the conspiracy of the twenty-eighth of June who may be found in Serbian territory; the organs of the Imperial and Royal Government delegated for this purpose will take part in the proceedings held for this purpose;

7. to undertake with all haste the arrest of Major Voislav Tankosic and of one Milan Ciganovitch, a Serbian official, who have been compromised by the results of the inquiry;

8. by efficient measures to prevent the participation of Serbian authorities in the smuggling of weapons and explosives across the frontier; to dismiss from the service and to punish severely those members of the Frontier Service at Schabats and Losnitza who assisted the authors of the crime of Sarajevo to cross the frontier;

9. to make explanations to the Imperial and Royal Government concerning the unjustifiable utterances of high Serbian functionaries in Serbia and abroad, who, without regard for their official position, have not hesitated to express themselves in a manner hostile toward Austria-Hungary since the assassination of the twenty-eighth of June;

10. to inform the Imperial and Royal Government without delay of the execution of the measures comprised in the foregoing points.

The Imperial and Royal Government awaits the reply of the Royal Government by Saturday, the twenty-fifth instant, at 6 p.m., at the latest.

A reminder of the results of the investigation about Sarajevo, to the extent they relate to the functionaries named in points 7 and 8 [above], is appended to this note.«


«The crime investigation undertaken at court in Sarajevo against Gavrilo Princip and his comrades on account of the assassination committed on the 28th of June this year, along with the guilt of accomplices, has up until now led to the following conclusions:

1. The plan of murdering Archduke Franz Ferdinand during his stay in Sarajevo was concocted in Belgrade by Gavrilo Princip, Nedeljko Cabrinovic, a certain Milan Ciganovic, and Trifko Grabesch with the assistance of Major Voija Takosic.

2. The six bombs and four Browning pistols along with ammunition — used as tools by the criminals — were procured and given to Princip, Cabrinovic and Grabesch in Belgrade by a certain Milan Ciganovic and Major Voija Takosic.

3. The bombs are hand grenades originating from the weapons depot of the Serbian army in Kragujevatz.

4. To guarantee the success of the assassination, Ciganovic instructed Princip, Cabrinovic and Grabesch in the use of the grenades and gave lessons on shooting Browning pistols to Princip and Grabesch in a forest next to the shooting range at Topschider.

5. To make possible Princip, Cabrinovic und Grabesch’s passage across the Bosnia-Herzegovina border and the smuggling of their weapons, an entire secretive transportation system was organized by Ciganovic. The entry of the criminals and their weapons into Bosnia and Herzegovina was carried out by the main border officials of Shabatz (Rade Popovic) and Losnitza as well as by the customs agent Budivoj Grbic of Losnitza, with the complicity of several others.«

On the occasion of handing over this note, would Your Excellency please also add orally that — in the event that no unconditionally positive answer of the Royal government might be received in the meantime — after the course of the 48-hour deadline referred to in this note, as measured from the day and hour of your announcing it, you are commissioned to leave the I. and R. Embassy of Belgrade together with your personnel.

The Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum to Serbia (German Original)
Wien, am 22. Juli,1914
Euer Hochwohlgeboren wollen die nachfolgende Note am Donnerstag, den 23. Juli nachm., der königlichen Regierung überreichen:
»Am 31. März 1909 hat der königlich serbische Gesandte am Wiener Hofe im Auftrage seiner Regierung der k. und k. Regierung folgende Erklärung abgegeben:
,Serbien anerkennt, daß es durch die in Bosnien geschaffene Tatsache in seinen Rechten nicht berührt wurde und daß es sich demgemäß den Entschließungen anpassen wird, welche die Mächte in Bezug auf den Artikel 25 des Berliner Vertrages treffen werden. Indem Serbien den Ratschlägen der Großmächte Folge leistet, verpflichtet es sich, die Haltung des Protestes und des Widerstandes, die es hinsichtlich der Annexion seit dem vergangenen Oktober eingenommen hat, aufzugeben, und es verpflichtet sich ferner, die Richtung seiner gegenwärtigen Politik gegenüber Österreich-Ungarn zu ändern und künftighin mit diesem letzteren auf dem Fuße freundnachbarlicher Beziehungen zu leben.’
Die Geschichte der letzten Jahre nun, und insbesondere die schmerzlichen Ereignisse des 28. Juni haben das Vorhandensein einer subversiven Bewegung in Serbien erwiesen, deren Ziel es ist, von der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie gewisse Teile ihres Gebietes loszutrennen. Diese Bewegung, die unter den Augen der serbischen Regierung entstand, hat in der Folge jenseits des Gebietes des Königreiches durch Akte des Terrorismus, durch eine Reihe von Attentaten und durch Morde Ausdruck gefunden.
Weit entfernt, die in der Erklärung vom 31. März 1909 enthaltenen formellen Verpflichtungen zu erfüllen, hat die k. serbische Regierung nichts getan, um diese Bewegung zu unterdrücken. Sie duldete das verbrecherische Treiben der verschiedenen, gegen die Monarchie gerichteten Vereine und Vereinigungen, die zügellose Sprache der Presse, die Verherrlichung der Urheber von Attentaten, die Teilnahme von Offizieren und Beamten an subversiven Umtrieben, sie duldete eine ungesunde Propaganda im öffentlichen Unterricht und duldete schließlich alle Manifestationen, welche die serbische Bevölkerung zum Hasse gegen die Monarchie und zur Verachtung ihrer Einrichtungen verleiten können.
Diese Duldung, der sich die k. serbische Regierung schuldig machte, hat noch in jenem Moment angedauert, in dem die Ereignisse des 28. Juni der ganzen Welt die grauenhaften Folgen solcher Duldung zeigten.
Es erhellt aus den Aussagen und Geständnissen der verbrecherischen Urheber des Attentates vom 28. Juni, daß der Mord von Sarajevo in Belgrad ausgeheckt wurde, daß die Mörder die Waffen und Bomben, mit denen sie ausgestattet waren, von serbischen Offizieren und Beamten erhielten, die der »Narodna Odbrana« angehörten, und daß schließlich die Beförderung der Verbrecher und deren Waffen nach Bosnien von leitenden serbischen Grenzorganen veranstaltet und durchgeführt wurde.
Die angeführten Ergebnisse der Untersuchung gestattes es der k. und k. Regierung nicht, noch länger die Haltung zuwartender Langmut zu beobachten, die sie durch Jahre jenen Treibereien gegenüber eingenommen hatte, die ihren Mittelpunkt in Belgrad haben und von da auf die Gebiete der Monarchie übertragen werden. Diese Ergebnisse legen der k. und k. Regierung vielmehr die Pflicht auf, Umtrieben ein Ende zu bereiten, die eine ständige Bedrohung für die Ruhe der Monarchie bilden.
Um diesen Zweck zu erreichen, sieht sich die k. und k. Regierung gezwungen, von der serbischen Regierung eine offizielle Versicherung zu verlangen, daß sie die gegen Österreich-Ungarn gerichtete Propaganda verurteilt, das heißt die Gesamtheit der Bestrebungen, deren Endziel es ist, von der Monarchie Gebiete loszulösen, die ihr angehören, und daß sie sich verpflichtet, diese verbrecherische und terroristische Propaganda mit allen Mitteln zu unterdrücken.
Um diesen Verpflichtungen einen feierlichen Charakter zu geben, wird die k. serbische Regierung auf der ersten Seite ihres offiziellen Organs vom 26./13. Juli nachfolgende Erklärung veröffentlichen:
Die k. Serbische Regierung verurteilt die gegen Österreich-Ungarn gerichtete Propaganda, das heißt die Gesamtheit jener Bestrebungen, deren letztes Ziel es ist, von der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie Gebiete loszutrennen, die ihr angehören, und sie bedauert aufrichtigst die grauenhaften Folgen dieser verbrecherischen Handlungen.
Die k. Serbische Regierung bedauert, daß serbische Offiziere und Beamte an der vorgenannten Propaganda teilgenommen und damit die freundnachbarlichen Beziehungen gefährdet haben, die zu pflegen sich die k. Regierung durch ihre Erklärung vom 31. März 1909 feierlichst verpflichtet hatte.
Die k. Regierung, die jeden Gedanken oder jeden Versuch einer Einmischung in die Geschicke der Bewohner was immer für eines Teiles Österreich-Ungarns mißbilligt und zurückweist, erachtet es für ihre Pflicht, die Offiziere, Beamten und die gesamte Bevölkerung des Königreiches ganz ausdrücklich aufmerksam zu machen, daß sie künftighin mit äußerster Strenge gegen jene Personen vorgehen wird, die sich derartiger Handlungen schuldig machen sollten, Handlungen, denen vorzubeugen und die zu unterdrücken sie alle Anstrengungen machen wird.’
Diese Erklärung wird gleichzeitig zur Kenntnis der k. Armee durch einen Tagesbefehl Sr. M. des Königs gebracht und in dem offiziellen Organe der Armee veröffentlicht werden.
Die k. Serbische Regierung verpflichtet sich überdies:
1. jede Publikation zu unterdrücken, die zum Haß und zur Verachtung der Monarchie aufreizt, und deren allgemeine Tendenz gegen die territoriale Integrität der letzteren gerichtet ist,
2. sofort mit der Auflösung des Vereines »Narodna Odbrana« vorzugehen, dessen gesamte Progagandamittel zu konfiszieren und in derselben Weise gegen die anderen Vereine und Vereinigungen in Serbien einzuschreiten, die sich mit der Propaganda gegen Österreich-Ungarn beschäftigen; die k. Regierung wird die nötigen Maßregeln treffen, damit die aufgelösten Vereine nicht etwa ihre Tätigkeit unter anderem Namen oder in anderer Form fortsetzen,
3. ohne Verzug aus dem öffentlichen Unterricht in Serbien, sowohl was den Lehrkörper als auch die Lehrmittel betrifft, alles zu beseitigen, was dazu dient oder dienen könnte, die Propaganda gegen Österreich-Ungarn zu nähren,
4. aus dem Militärdienst und der Verwaltung im allgemeinen alle Offiziere und Beamten zu entfernen, die der Propaganda gegen Österreich-Ungarn schuldig sind, und deren Namen unter Mitteilung des gegen sie vorliegenden Materials der k. Regierung bekanntzugeben sich die k. und k. Regierung vorbehält,
5. einzuwilligen, daß in Serbien Organe der k. und k. Regierung bei der Unterdrückung der gegen die territoriale Integrität der Monarchie gerichteten subversiven Bewegung mitwirken,
6. eine gerichtliche Untersuchung gegen jene Teilnehmen des Komplotts vom 28. Juni einzuleiten, die sich auf serbischem Territorium befinden; von der k. und k. Regierung hiezu delegierte Organe werden an den bezüglichen Erhebungen teilnehmen,
7. mit aller Beschleunigung die Verhaftung des Majors Voija Takositsch und eines gewissen Milan Ciganovitsch, serbischen Staatsbeamten, vorzunehmen, welche durch die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung kompromittiert sind,
8. durch wirksame Maßnahmen die Teilnahme der serbischen Behörden an dem Einschmuggeln von Waffen und Explosivkörpern über die Grenze zu verhindern; jene Organe des Grenzdienstes von Schabatz und Losnitza, die den Urhebern des Verbrechens von Sarajevo bei dem Übertritt über die Grenze behilflich waren, aus dem Dienste zu entlassen und strenge zu bestrafen,
9. der k. und k. Regierung Aufklärungen zu geben über die nicht zu rechtfertigenden Äußerungen hoher serbischer Funktionäre in Serbien und im Auslande, die, ihrer offiziellen Stellung ungeachtet, nicht gezögert haben, sich nach dem Attentat am 28. Juni in Interviews in feindlicher Weise gegen Österreich-Ungarn auszusprechen,
10. die k. und k. Regierung ohne Verzug von der Durchführung der in den vorigen Punkten zusammengefaßten Maßnahmen zu verständigen.
Die k. und k. Regierung erwartet die Antwort der k. Regierung spätestens bis Samstag, den 25. d. M., um 6 Uhr nachmittag.
Eine Memoire über die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung von Sarajevo, soweit sie sich auf die im Punkt 7 und 8 genannten Funktionäre beziehen, ist dieser Note beigeschlossen.«
Die bei dem Gerichte in Sarajevo gegen Gavrilo Princip und Genossen wegen des am 28. Juni d. J. begangenen Meuchelmordes, beziehungsweise wegen Mitschuld hieran anhängige Strafuntersuchung hat bisher zu folgenden Feststellungen geführt:
1. Der Plan, den Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand während seines Aufenthaltes in Sarajevo zu ermorden, wurde in Belgrad von Gavrilo Princip, Nedeljko Cabrinovitsch, einem gewissen Milan Ciganovitsch und Trifko Grabesch unter Beihilfe des Majors Voija Takositsch gefaßt.
2. Die sechs Bomben und vier Browningpistolen samt Munition, deren sich die Verbrecher als Werkzeuge bedienten, wurden dem Princip, Cabrinovitsch und Grabesch in Belgrad von einem gewissen Milan Ciganovitsch und dem Major Voija Takositsch verschafft und übergeben.
3. Die Bomben sind Handgranaten, die dem Waffendepot der serbischen Armee in Kragujevatz entstammen.
4. Um das Gelingen des Attentats zu sichern, unterwies Ciganovitsch den Princip, Cabrinovitsch und Grabesch in der Handhabung der Granaten und gab in einem Walde neben dem Schießfelde von Topschider dem Princip und Grabesch Unterricht im Schießen mit Browningpistolen.
5. Um dem Princip, Cabrinovitsch und Grabesch den Übergang über die bosnisch-herzegowinische Grenze und die Einschmuggelung ihrer Waffen zu ermöglichen, wurde ein ganzes geheimes Transportsystem durch Ciganovitsch organisiert. Der Eintritt der Verbrecher samt ihren Waffen nach Bosnien und der Herzegowina wurde von den Grenzhauptleuten von Schabatz (Rade Popovitsch) und Losnitza sowie von dem Zollorgan Budivoj Grbitsch von Losnitza mit Beihilfe mehrer anderer Personen durchgeführt.
Gelegentlich der Übergabe der vorstehenden Note wollen Euer Hochwohlgeboren mündlich hinzufügen, daß Sie beauftragt seien — falls Ihnen nicht inzwischen eine vorbehaltlose zustimmende Antwort der königlichen Regierung zugekommen sein sollte — nach Ablauf der in der Note vorgesehenen, vom Tage und von der Stunde Ihrer Mitteilung an zu rechnenden 48stündigen Frist mit dem Personale der k. und k. Gesandtschaft Belgrad zu verlassen.

The Young Turks: Proclamation for the Ottoman Empire, 1908

1. The basis for the Constitution will be respect for the predominance of the national will. One of the consequences of this principle will be to require without delay the responsibility of the minister before the Chamber, and, consequently, to consider the minister as having resigned, when he does not have a majority of the votes of the Chamber.

2. Provided that the number of senators does not exceed one-third the number of deputies, the Senate will be named as follows: one-third by the Sultan and two-thirds by the nation, and the term of senators will be of limited duration.

3. It will be demanded that all Ottoman subjects having completed their twentieth year, regardless of whether they possess property or fortune, shall have the right to vote. Those who have lost their civil rights will naturally be deprived of this right.

4. It will be demanded that the right freely to constitute political groups be inserted in a precise fashion in the constitutional charter, in order that article 1 of the Constitution of 1293 A.H. [Anno Hegira=] be respected.

7. The Turkish tongue will remain the official state language. Official correspondence and discussion will take place in Turkish.

9. Every citizen will enjoy complete liberty and equality, regardless of nationality or religion, and be submitted to the same obligations. All Ottomans, being equal before the law as regards rights and duties relative to the State, are eligible for government posts, according to their individual capacity and their education. Non-Muslims will be equally liable to the military law.

10. The free exercise of the religious privileges which have been accorded to different nationalities will remain intact.

11. The reorganization and distribution of the State forces, on land as well as on sea, will be undertaken in accordance with the political and geographical situation of the country, taking into account the integrity of the other European powers.

14. Provided that the property rights of landholders are not infringed upon (for such rights must be respected and must remain intact, according to law), it will be proposed that peasants be permitted to acquire land, and they will be accorded means to borrow money at a moderate rate.

16. Education will be free. Every Ottoman citizen, within the limits of the prescriptions of the Constitution, may operate a private school in accordance with the special laws.

17. All schools will operate under the surveillance of the state. In order to obtain for Ottoman citizens an education of a homogenous and uniform character, the officials schools will be open, their instruction will be free, and all nationalities will be admitted. Instruction in Turkish will be obligatory in public schools. In official schools, public instruction will be free. Secondary and higher education will be given in the public and official schools indicated above; it will use the Turkish tongue. Schools of commerce, agriculture, and industry will be opened with the goal of developing the resources of the country.

18. Steps shall also be taken for the formation of roads and railways and canals to increase the facilities of communication and increase the sources of the wealth of the country. Everything that can impede commerce or agriculture shall be abolished.
Source: Modern History Sourcebook

The Sykes-Picot Agreement : 1916

It is accordingly understood between the French and British governments:

That France and great Britain are prepared to recognize and protect an independent Arab states or a confederation of Arab states (a) and (b) marked on the annexed map, under the suzerainty of an Arab chief. That in area (a) France, and in area (b) great Britain, shall have priority of right of enterprise and local loans. That in area (a) France, and in area (b) great Britain, shall alone supply advisers or foreign functionaries at the request of the Arab state or confederation of Arab states.

That in the blue area France, and in the red area great Britain, shall be allowed to establish such direct or indirect administration or control as they desire and as they may think fit to arrange with the Arab state or confederation of Arab states.

That in the brown area there shall be established an international administration, the form of which is to be decided upon after consultation with Russia, and subsequently in consultation with the other allies, and the representatives of the sheriff of mecca.

That great Britain be accorded (1) the ports of Haifa and acre, (2) guarantee of a given supply of water from the tigres and euphrates in area (a) for area (b). His majesty’s government, on their part, undertake that they will at no time enter into negotiations for the cession of Cyprus to any third power without the previous consent of the french government.

That Alexandretta shall be a free port as regards the trade of the British empire, and that there shall be no discrimination in port charges or facilities as regards British shipping and British goods; that there shall be freedom of transit for British goods through Alexandretta and by railway through the blue area, or (b) area, or area (a); and there shall be no discrimination, direct or indirect, against British goods on any railway or against British goods or ships at any port serving the areas mentioned.

That Haifa shall be a free port as regards the trade of France, her dominions and protectorates, and there shall be no discrimination in port charges or facilities as regards french shipping and french goods. There shall be freedom of transit for french goods through Haifa and by the British railway through the brown area, whether those goods are intended for or originate in the blue area, area (a), or area (b), and there shall be no discrimination, direct or indirect, against french goods on any railway, or against french goods or ships at any port serving the areas mentioned.

That in area (a) the Baghdad railway shall not be extended southwards beyond Mosul, and in area (b) northwards beyond Samarra, until a railway connecting Baghdad and aleppo via the euphrates valley has been completed, and then only with the concurrence of the two governments.

That great Britain has the right to build, administer, and be sole owner of a railway connecting Haifa with area (b), and shall have a perpetual right to transport troops along such a line at all times. It is to be understood by both governments that this railway is to facilitate the connection of Baghdad with Haifa by rail, and it is further understood that, if the engineering difficulties and expense entailed by keeping this connecting line in the brown area only make the project unfeasible, that the french government shall be prepared to consider that the line in question may also traverse the Polgon Banias Keis Marib Salkhad tell Otsda Mesmie before reaching area (b).

For a period of twenty years the existing Turkish customs tariff shall remain in force throughout the whole of the blue and red areas, as well as in areas (a) and (b), and no increase in the rates of duty or conversions from ad valorem to specific rates shall be made except by agreement between the two powers.

There shall be no interior customs barriers between any of the above mentioned areas. The customs duties leviable on goods destined for the interior shall be collected at the port of entry and handed over to the administration of the area of destination.

It shall be agreed that the french government will at no time enter into any negotiations for the cession of their rights and will not cede such rights in the blue area to any third power, except the Arab state or confederation of Arab states, without the previous agreement of his majesty’s government, who, on their part, will give a similar undertaking to the french government regarding the red area.

The British and french government, as the protectors of the Arab state, shall agree that they will not themselves acquire and will not consent to a third power acquiring territorial possessions in the Arabian peninsula, nor consent to a third power installing a naval base either on the east coast, or on the islands, of the red sea. This, however, shall not prevent such adjustment of the Aden frontier as may be necessary in consequence of recent Turkish aggression.

The negotiations with the Arabs as to the boundaries of the Arab states shall be continued through the same channel as heretofore on behalf of the two powers.

It is agreed that measures to control the importation of arms into the Arab territories will be considered by the two governments.

I have further the honor to state that, in order to make the agreement complete, his majesty’s government are proposing to the Russian government to exchange notes analogous to those exchanged by the latter and your excellency’s government on the 26th April last. Copies of these notes will be communicated to your excellency as soon as exchanged.I would also venture to remind your excellency that the conclusion of the present agreement raises, for practical consideration, the question of claims of Italy to a share in any partition or rearrangement of turkey in Asia, as formulated in article 9 of the agreement of the 26th April, 1915, between Italy and the allies.

His majesty’s government further consider that the Japanese government should be informed of the arrangements now concluded.

The Sykes-Picot(-Sazonov) Agreement of 1916 was a secret agreement between the governments of the UK and France, with the assent of Imperial Russia, defining their respective spheres of influence and control in west Asia after the expected downfall of the Ottoman Empire during World War I. It was largely a trade agreement with a large area set aside for indirect control through an Arab state or a confederation of Arab states. The agreement was concluded on 16 May 1916. It did not contemplate the League of Nations system of mandates that were developed during the post-war period. The terms were negotiated by the French diplomat François Georges-Picot and Briton Mark Sykes.
Britain was allocated control of areas roughly comprising today’s Jordan, southern Iraq, and a small area around Haifa, to allow access to a Mediterranean port. France was allocated control of southeastern Turkey (Cilicia, Kurdistan), northern Iraq around Mosul, Syria and Lebanon. Russia was to get Constantinople, the Turkish Straits and the Ottoman Armenian vilayets. The controlling powers were left free to decide on state boundaries within these areas.The region of Palestine was slated for international administration pending consultations with Russia and other powers, including the Sharif of Mecca.

Source: The Avalon Project at Yale Law School

The Anglo-Russian Entente – 1907

The Governments of Great Britain and Russia having mutually engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia, and sincerely desiring the preservation of order throughout that country and its peaceful develop ment, as well as the permanent establishment of equal advantages for the trade and industry of all other nations;

Considering that each of them has, for geographical and economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or in the neighborhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand, and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other hand; and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict between their respective interests in the above-mentioned provinces of Persia;

Have agreed on the following terms: —


Great Britain engages not to seek for herself, and not to support in favour of British subjects, or in favour of the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or commercial nature\emdash such as Concessions for railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, etc. — beyond a line starting from Kasr-i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd, Kakhk, and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at the intersection of the Russian and Afghan frontiers, and not to oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in this region which are supported by the Russian Government. It is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in the region in which Great Britain engages not to seek the Concessions referred to.


Russia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself and not to support, in favour of Russian subjects, or in favour of the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or commercial nature — such as Concessions for railways , banks, telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, etc. — beyond a line going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand, Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in this region which are supported by the British Government. It is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in the region in which Russia engages not to seek the Concessions referred to.


Russia, on her part, engages not to oppose, without previous arrangement with Great Britain, the grant of any Concessions whatever to British subjects in the regions of Persia situated between the lines mentioned in Articles I and II. Great Britain undertakes a similar engagement as regards the grant of Concessions to Russian subjects in the same regions of Persia.

All Concessions existing at present in the regions indicated in Articles I and II and maintained.


It is understood that the revenues of all the Persian customs, with the exception of those of Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, revenues guaranteeing the amortization and the interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah with the “Banque d’escompte et des Prits de Perse” up to the date of the signature of the present Agreement, shall be devoted to the same purpose as in the past. It is equally understood that the revenues of the Persian customs of Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as well as those of the fisheries on the Persian shore of the Caspian Sea and those of the Posts and telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to the service of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the signature of the present Agreement.


In the event of irregularities occurring in the amortization or payment of interest of the Persian loans concluded with the “Banque d’escompte et des Prits de Perse” and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the signature of the present Agreement, and in the event of the necessity arising for Russia to establish control over the sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans concluded with the first-named bank, and situated in the region mentioned in Article II of the present Agreement, or for Great Britain to establish control over the sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans concluded with the second-named bank, and situated in the region mentioned in Article I of the present Agreement, the British and Russian Governments undertake to enter beforehand into a friendly exchange of ideas with a view to determine, in agreement with each other, the measures of control in question and to avoid all interference which would not be in conformity with the principles governing the present Agreement.
The Anglo-Russian Entente or the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 was an accord signed on 31 August 1907 in St. Petersburg by Count Alexander Izvolsky, Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire, and Sir Arthur Nicolson, Britain’s ambassador in Russia.
The convention capped off several decades of the Great Game between the two powers. It defined their respective spheres of influence in Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet. Its primary aim was to resolve the long-running disputes over the powers’ respective imperial peripheries, though it also served their broader diplomatic objectives by helping to provide a counterweight to German influence. The Anglo-Russian Entente along with the Entente Cordiale (1904) and the Franco-Russian Alliance (1892) formed the so-called Triple Entente between the UK, France and Russia.
The convention had three sections, dealing with Persia, Afghanistan and Tibet.
Persia was divided into three zones: a British zone in the south, a Russian zone in the north, and a narrow neutral zone serving as buffer in between. (The Convention was very careful not to call any of these zones a sphere of influence, for fear it would look like the Great Powers were partitioning Persia.)
As regards Afghanistan, Russia recognized the country as a semi-protectorate of Great Britain and “abandoned its earlier efforts to establish direct relations with the emir”.[1]
Following the British expedition to Tibet, both powers agreed to maintain territorial integrity of this buffer state and “to deal with Lhasa only through China, the suzerain power”.[2]
The accord concerning Persia, which had 5 articles, was signed without the participation or knowledge of the Persian government, and was thus eventually met with a bitter response from Iran’s parliament. Iran was officially informed of the Accord later, on 16 September 1907. Similarly, the Emir of Afghanistan refused to acknowledge the agreement concerning Afghanistan. And the Tibetans never acknowledged China’s suzerainity rights over their country.

Telegram from Alexander, Prince Regent of Serbia to the Tsar of Russia

Belgrade, July 24 1914

The Austro-Hungarian Government yesterday evening handed to the Serbian Government a note concerning the “attentat” of Serajevo.

Conscious of its international duties, Serbia from the first days of the horrible crime declared that she condemned it, and that she was ready to open an inquiry on her territory if the complicity of certain of her subjects were proved in the investigation begun by the Austro-Hungarian authorities.

However, the demands contained in the Austro-Hungarian note are unnecessarily humiliating for Serbia and incompatible with her dignity as an independent State.

Thus we are called upon in peremptory tones for a declaration of the Government in the “Official journal,” and an order from the Sovereign to the army wherein we should repress the spirit of hostility against Austria by reproaching ourselves for criminal weakness in regard to our perfidious actions.

Then we have to admit Austro-Hungarian functionaries into Serbia to participate with our own in the investigation and to superintend the execution of the other conditions indicated in the note.

We have received a time-limit of forty-eight hours to accept everything, in default of which the legation of Austria-Hungary will leave Belgrade. We are ready to accept the Austro-Hungarian conditions which are compatible with the position of an independent State as well as those whose acceptance shall be advised us by your Majesty.

All persons whose participation in the “attentat” shall be proved will be severely punished by us. Certain of these demands cannot be carried out without changes in our legislation, which require time. We have been given too short a limit. We can be attacked after the expiration of the time-limit by the Austro-Hungarian Army which is concentrating on our frontier.

It is impossible for us to defend ourselves, and we supplicate your Majesty to give us your aid as soon as possible. The highly prized good will of your Majesty, which has so often shown itself toward us, makes us hope firmly that this time again our appeal will be heard by his generous Slav heart.

In these difficult moments I voice the sentiments of the Serbian people, who supplicate your Majesty to interest himself in the lot of the Kingdom of Serbia.


Source: Source Records of the Great War, Vol. I, ed. Charles F. Horne, National Alumni 1923

Geneva Convention of July 6th, 1906

(Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded in Armies in the Field)


Article 1.
Officers and soldiers, and other persons officially attached to armies, shall be respected and taken care of when wounded or sick, by the belligerent in whose power they may be, without distinction of nationality. Nevertheless, a belligerent who is compelled to abandon sick or wounded to the enemy shall, as far as military exigencies permit, leave with them a portion of his medical personnel and material to contribute to the care of them.

Article 2.
Except as regards the treatment to be provided for them in virtue of the preceding Article. the wounded and sick of an army who fall into the hands of the enemy are prisoners of war, and the general provisions of international law concerning prisoners are applicable to them.

Belligerents are, however, free to arrange with one another such exceptions and mitigations with reference to sick and wounded prisoners as they may judge expedient; in particular they will be at liberty to agree —

To restore to one another the wounded left on the field after a battle;

To repatriate any wounded and sick whom they do not wish to retain as prisoners, after rendering them fit for removal or after recovery:

To hand over to a neutral State, with the latter’s consent, the enemy’s wounded and sick to be interned by the neutral State until the end of hostilities.

Article 3.
After each engagement, the Commander in possession of the field shall take measures to search for the wounded, and to ensure protection against pillage and maltreatment both for the wounded and for the dead.

He shall arrange that a careful examination of the bodies is made before the dead are buried or cremated.

Article 4.
As early as possible each belligerent shall send to the authorities of the country or army to which they belong the military identification marks or tokens, found on the dead, and a nominal roll of the wounded or sick who have been collected by him.

The belligerents shall keep each other mutually informed of ally internments and changes, as well as of admissions into hospital and deaths among the wounded and sick in their hands. They shall collect all the articles of personal use, valuables, letters, etc, which are found on the field of battle or left by the wounded or sick who have died in the medical establishments or units, in order that such objects may be transmitted to the persons interested by the authorities of their own country.

Article 5.
The competent military authority may appeal to the charitable zeal of the inhabitants to collect and take care of, under his direction, the wounded or sick of armies granting to those who respond to the appeal special protection and certain immunities.


Article 6.
Mobile medical units (that is to say, those which are intended to accompany armies into the field) and the fixed establishments of the medical service shall be respected and protected by the belligerents.

Article 7.
The protection to which medical units and establishments are entitled ceases if they are made use of to commit acts harmful to the enemy.

Article 8.
The following facts are not considered to be of a nature to deprive a medical unit or establishment of the protection guaranteed by Article 6:-
1. That the personnel of the unit or of the establishment is armed, and that it uses it arms for its own defence or for that of the sick and wounded under its charge.

2. That in default of armed orderlies the unit or establishment is guarded by a piquet or by sentinels furnished with an authority in due form.

3. That weapons and cartridges taken from the wounded and not yet handed over to the proper department are found in the unit or establishment.


Article 9.
The personnel engaged exclusively in the collection, transport, and treatment of the wounded and the sick, as well as in the administration of medical units and establishments, and the Chaplains attached to armies, shall be respected and protected under all circumstances. If they fall into the hands of the enemy they shall not be treated as prisoners of war.

These provisions apply to the Guard of medical units and establishments under the circumstances indicated in Article 8 (2).

Article 10.
The personnel of Voluntary Aid Societies, duly recognized authorized by their Government, who may be employed in the medical units and establishments of armies, is placed on the same footing as the personnel referred to in the preceding Article provided always that the first-mentioned personnel shall be subject to military law and regulations.

Each state shall notify to the other, either in time of peace or at the commencement of or during the course of hostilities, but in every case before actually employing them, the names of th Societies which it has authorised, under its responsibility, to render assistance to the regular medical service of its armies.

Article 11
A recognized Society of a neutral country can only afford the assistance of its medical personnel and units to a belligerent with the previous consent of its own Government and the authorisation of the belligerent concerned.

A belligerent who accepts such assistance is bound to notify the fact to his adversary before making any use of it.

Article 12.
The persons designated in Articles 9, 10, and 11, after they have fallen into the hands of the enemy, shall continue to carry on their duties under his direction.

When their assistance is no longer indispensable, they shall be sent back to their army or to their country at such time and by such route as may be compatible with military exigencies.

They shall then take with them such effects, instruments, arms and horses as are their private property.

Article 13.
The enemy shall secure to the persons mentioned in Article 9 while in his hands, the same allowances and the same pay as at granted to the persons holding the same rank in his own army.


Article 14.
If mobile medical units fall into the hands of the enemy they shall retain -their material, including their teams, irrespectively the means of transport and the drivers employed.

Nevertheless, the competent military authority shall be free to use the material for the treatment of the wounded and sick. It shall be restored under the conditions laid down for the medical personnel, and so far as possible at the same time.

Article 15.
The buildings and material of fixed establishments remain subject to the laws of war, but may not be diverted from their purpose as long as they are necessary for the wounded and the sick.

Nevertheless, the Commanders of troops in the field may dispose of them, in case of urgent military necessity, provided they make previous arrangements for the welfare of the wounded and sick who are found there.

Article 16.
The material of Voluntary Aid Societies which are admitted to the privileges of the Convention under the conditions laid down therein is considered private property, and as such to he respected under all circumstances, saving only the right of requisition recognised for belligerents in accordance with the laws and customs of war.


Article 17.
Convoys of evacuation shall be treated like mobile medical unit subject to the following special provisions :-

1. A belligerent intercepting a convoy may break it up if military exigencies demand, provided he takes charge of the sick and wounded who are in it.

2. In this case, the obligation to send back the medical personnel, provided for in Article 12, shall be extended to the whole of the military personnel detailed for the transport or the protection of the convoy and furnished with an authority in due form to that effect.

The obligation to restore the medical material, provided for in Article 14, shall apply to railway trains, and boats used in internal navigation, which are specially arranged for evacuations, as well as to the material belonging to the medical service for fitting up ordinary vehicles, trains, and boats. Military vehicles other than those of the medical service may be captured with their teams.

The civilian personnel and the various means of transport obtained by requisition, including railway material and boats used for convoys, shall be subject to the general rules of international law.


Article 18.
As a compliment to Switzerland, the heraldic emblem of the red cross on a white ground, formed by reversing the Federal colours. is retained as the emblem and distinctive sign of the medical service of armies.

With the permission of the competent military authority this emblem shall be shown on the flags and armlets (brassards) as well as on all the material belonging to the medical service.

Article 20.
The personnel protected in pursuance of Articles 9 (paragraph 1), 10, and 11 shall wear, fixed to the left arm, an armlet (brassard) with a red cross on a white ground, delivered and stamped by the competent military authority, and accompanied by a certificate of identity in the case of persons who are attached to the medical service of armies, but who have not a military uniform.

Article 21.
The distinctive flag of the Convention shall only be hoisted over those medical units and establishments which are entitled to be respected under the Convention, and with the consent of the military authorities. It must be accompanied by the national flag of the belligerent to whom the unit or establishment belongs.

Nevertheless, medical units which have fallen into the hands of the enemy, so long as they are in that situation, shall not fly any other flag than that of the Red Cross.

Article 22.
The medical units belonging to neutral countries which may be authorized to afford their services under the conditions laid down in Article 11 shall fly, along with the flag of the Convention, the national flag of the belligerent to whose army they are attached.

The provisions of the second paragraph of the preceding Article are applicable to them.

Article 23.
The emblem of the red cross on a white ground and the words “Red Cross” or “Geneva Cross” shall not be used either in time of peace or in time of war, except to protect or to indicate the medical units and establishments and the personnel and material protected by the Convention.


Article 24.
The provisions of the present Convention are only binding upon the Contracting Powers in the case of war between two or more of them. These provisions shall cease to be binding from the moment when one of the belligerent Powers is not a party to the Convention.

Article 25.
The Commanders-in-chief of belligerent armies shall arrange the details for carrying out the preceding Articles, as well as for cases not provided for, in accordance with the instructions of their respective Governments and in conformity with the general principles of the present Convention.

Article 26.
The Signatory Governments will take the necessary measures to instruct their troops, especially the personnel protected, in provisions of the present Convention, and to bring them to the notice of the civil population.


Article 27.
The Signatory Governments, in countries the legislation which is not at present adequate for the purpose, undertake to adopt or to propose to their legislative bodies such measures as may be necessary to prevent at all times the employment of the emblem or the name of Red Cross or Geneva Cross by private individuals or by Societies other than those which are entitled to do so under the present Convention and in particular for commercial purposes as a trade mark or trading mark.

The prohibition of the employment of the emblem or names in question shall come into operation from the date fixed by each legislature, and at the latest five years after the present Convention comes into force. From that date it shall no longer be lawful to adopt a trade-mark or trading mark contrary to prohibition.

Article 28.
The Signatory Governments also undertake to adopt, or propose to their legislative bodies, should their military law be insufficient for the purpose, the measures necessary for the repression in time of war of individual acts of pillage and maltreatment of the wounded and sick of armies, as well as for the punishment as an unlawful employment, as an unlawful employment of military insignia, of the improper use of the Red Cross flag and armlet (brassard) by officers soldiers or private individuals not protected by the present Convention.

They shall communicate to one another, through the Swiss Federal Council, the provisions relative to these measures of repression at the latest within five years from the ratification of the present Convention.


Article 29.
The present Convention shall be ratified as soon as possible. The ratification shall be deposited at Berne.

When each ratification is deposited a procès verbal shall be drawn up, and a copy thereof certified as correct shall be forwarded through the diplomatic channel to all the Contracting Powers.

Article 31.
The present Convention, duly ratified, shall replace the Convention of the 22nd August, 1864, in relations between the Contracting States. The Convention of 1864 remains in force between such of the parties who signed it who may not likewise ratify the present Convention.

Article 32.
The present Convention may be signed until the 31st December next by the Powers represented at the Conference which was opened at Geneva on the 11th June, 1906, as also by the Powers, not represented at that Conference, which signed the Convention of 1864.

Such of the aforesaid Powers as shall have not signed the present Convention by the 31st December, 1906, shall remain free to accede to it subsequently. They shall notify their accession by means of a written communication addressed to the Swiss Federal Council, and communicated by the latter to all the Contracting Powers.

Other Powers may apply to accede in the same manner, but their request shall only take effect if within a period of one year from the notification of it to the Federal Council no objection to it reaches the Council from any of the Contracting Powers.

Article 33.
Each of the Contracting Powers shall be at liberty to denounce the present Convention. The denunciation shall not take effect until one year after the written notification of it has reached the Swiss Federal Council. The Council shall immediately communicate the notification to all the other Contracting Powers. The denunciation shall only affect the Power which has notified it.
The Second Geneva Convention of 1906, “Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded in Armies in the Field” (Geneva, 6 July 1906) extended the principles from the First Geneva Convention of 1864 on the treatment of battlefield casualties. The Convention of 1906 should not be confused with “Convention (II) for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea” (Geneva, 12 August 1949).
Source: WWW Virtual Library